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MOVEMENT FOR MEDIA DEMOCRACY WINS
MAJOR VICTORY IN COURTS AND CONGRESS
Dr.
Jerold M. Starr, Executive Director,
Citizens for Independent Public Broadcasting
In
late June, the media reform movement won a major victory in
the federal appeals court in Philadelphia. In a 2-1 ruling,
judges rejected the rationale for almost all of the FCC's rollbacks
of media ownership rules, including newspaper-broadcast station
cross-ownership and more duopolies and triopolies (i.e. two
and three station combinations) in local markets.
The
only change still standing is the increased cap for network
ownership of stations nationally from 35 percent to 39 percent,
negotiated in secret session between President Bush and the
Republican Congressional leadership to accommodate Fox and CBS
Viacom. According to observers, with more stations networks
are better able to eliminate local programming to make room
for network shows. In the recent past, this has included such
things as preempting a gubernatorial debate for the network's
regular commercial programming. Also, networks can buy syndicated
programs on better terms; and networks are free to increase
cross-promotion. Many stations have profit margins over 50 percent.
The more stations a network owns, the bigger its profits.
In
rejecting the other rule changes, the Court said: "Although
we affirm the Commission's Order, we have identified several
provisions in which the Commission falls short of its obligation
to justify its decisions…with reasoned analysis." For example,
the Court said, the FCC's diversity index "generates absurd
results," by treating every radio station the same, even
those that don't carry any news.
At
the same time, by a voice vote, the Senate approved a provision
to repeal the FCC's relaxation of the rules and restore former
restrictions. The provision was amended to a major Pentagon
funding bill where it has continued to be subject to more maneuvering
by the Republican leadership.
Significantly,
the Senate Commerce Committee just launched a drive to overhaul
the 1996 Telecommunications Act. While the focus will be on
easier access of local phone companies to dial into long-distance
business, Broadcasting and Cable's Bill McConnell observes:
"Expect the bill to set tighter limits on the number of
broadcast stations one company can own, as well as new public-interest
obligations regarding local-election coverage and kids programs."
The
downside is that these victories only stopped even greater consolidation
of a media system that already is inaccessible and unresponsive
to the general public. The upside is that we have shown the
media moguls to be vulnerable to grassroots opposition. Some
13,000 groups and individuals had filed legal briefs opposing
the rule changes.
The
coalition opposed included religious groups, labor groups, public
interest groups, consumer groups, and political groups ranging
from Common Cause, the Communication Workers of America and
the Rainbow-Push Coalition to the National Rifle Association,
U.S. Catholic Conference and Parents Television Council. By
the date of the decision, some 2.3 million people had written
to the FCC, almost all opposed to the rule changes.
Corporate
Media Concentration
No
matter what your issue, this is the fight that concerns us all.
Mass communications are the lifeblood of modern democracies.
If citizens cannot communicate with each other, they can't organize.
If they can't organize, they can't defend themselves from those
who would threaten the public interest.
In
the U.S. today there are approximately 1,800 newspapers, 3,000
book publishers, 11,000 magazines, 11,000 radio stations, and
1,700 television stations. Behind this illusion of great choice,
however, lies a collusion of interest that serves the giant
media corporations at the expense of American democracy and
cultural diversity.
In
1994, a mere 50 companies owned a controlling interest in all
of these media. By 2002, this was down to six companies. Between
1975 and 2000, the number of TV stations increased by 75 percent,
but the number of TV station owners actually declined by 33
percent. In recorded music, five companies control more than
80 percent of the U.S. market. More than 60 percent of daily
newspapers are part of chains and only a handful of cities have
a competing daily.
Comcast
and Time Warner (TW) dominate the cable market where the average
system makes a 30 percent profit. The FCC is actively considering
lifting the cap on one company's share of the market from 30
percent to 45 percent of all households. Comcast recently made
a hostile takeover bid against Disney, vying to be the first
cable company to own its own major network. While Direct Broadcast
Satellite (DBS) offers an alternative to cable for 18 million
subscribers, only two companies, DirecTV (majority owned by
Rupert Murdoch's News Corp.) and Echo Star (The Dish), control
the DBS market.
Every
single one of the top 20 Internet web sites is controlled by
a media giant. Time Warner properties account for nearly 30
percent of all user time spent online. Add Microsoft and Yahoo!
And it's 50 percent. Time Warner, General Electric (GE) and
News Corp, own all of the cable news networks.
Almost
all of these cable news programs offer a conservative slant.
In October 2003, the University of Maryland surveyed 3,000 people,
measuring their knowledge of three simple facts about the War
in Iraq. They asked whether Iraq was involved in the 9/11 terrorist
attacks or proven to be supporting
al-Quaeda; whether weapons of mass destruction had been found
in Iraq; and whether international opinion favored the U.S.
in the war against Iraq.
They
found that 60 percent of the public had one or more misperceptions
and eight percent had all three. Misperceptions correlated strongly
with support for the war. Those who got their news primarily
from Fox News had more misperceptions than anyone; 80 percent
had at least one and 45 percent had all three.
The
damage done by ill-considered deregulation is evident. The 1996
Telecommunications Act lifted all caps on national radio station
group ownership and increased the number of stations one company
can own in a single market up to four in the smaller markets
and eight in the largest. This triggered a tidal wave of mergers
and acquisitions. Industry concentration increased by
34 percent. The number of radio station owners with 20 or more
stations doubled to a total of 50. The largest two firms in
each market average 74 percent of the market's radio advertising
revenue.
Democratic
FCC Commissioner Walter Copps has commented: "Diversity
of programming suffered. Homogenized music and standardized
programming crowded out local and regional talent. Creative
artists found it evermore difficult to obtain playtime. Editorial
opinion polarized. Competition in many towns became non-existent
as a few companies bought up virtually every station in the
market."
The
leading radio group, San Antonio-based Clear Channel Communications
grew from 43 stations to 1,250, accounting for more than 10
percent of all commercial radio stations in the U.S. Clear Channel
CEO Lowry Mays is a close friend of President Bush. After 9/11,
Clear Channel instituted a ban on about 150 songs that it felt
mighty undermine public support for President Bush's declared
"war on terrorism." After Dixie Chick lead singer
Natalie Maynes told a British audience she was "ashamed
to be from the same state" as the President, Clear Channel
banned the group's songs on all their stations. After the invasion
of Iraq, Clear Channel used its resources to organize and promote
pro-war rallies. Other radio groups followed suit.
To
extend its influence, Clear Channel began buying music venues.
It now has 135 amphitheaters, arenas, theaters and clubs and
sells 27 million concert tickets a year, accounting for 70 percent
of the entire industry. A letter to the FCC from 700 popular
musicians accused Clear Channel of refusing to play the songs
of artists who don't use its concert promotion services and
of accepting payola from music company promoters.
Local
music directors and disc jockeys no longer have discretion over
their playlists. Rather, it's all done by consultants and committees
and put on computer files to be distributed nationally from
headquarters.
Five
Media groups-CBS/Viacom, NBC, Disney, Time Warner and Fox control
85 percent of prime time TV viewing.
The
New Model for Monopoly Media
According
to Amy Harmon of the New York Times: "…media analysts and
executives are convinced that the most efficient business plan
is to own as many outlets as possible to deliver the movies,
television, music and books that they themselves produce."
Controlling
both content and distribution eliminates the potential threat
that your own productions will not see the best positioning
on a competitor's distribution system. It also is a method to
avoid huge licensing fees for popular programs, like Friends,
ER or West Wing.
Unfortunately
for the public, internally produced programs typically lack
originality and are diluted by bureaucratic compromise. Networks
cut corners in the production. If the show is a flop, it's cheap
enough that they can afford to leave it on longer than they
otherwise would. No matter how bad, the show can still be "repurposed"
into syndication on cable networks owned by the same company.
This, of course, makes it harder for new shows to break in.
To make matters worse, suppliers use their existing hit shows
to pressure broadcasters into buying more of their programming.
On
May 12, 2004, NBC announced its acquisition of Universal Studios.
Now, all four of the major networks have their own production
studios. Commenting on the deal, Jeff Chester of the Center
for Digital Democracy said: "Now writers will work for
NBC and will have to do what the network tells them to do. And
that will be based on the aggressive model they have set up
with their advertisers."
Anticipating
that the networks will shut out any studio with which they are
not affiliated, Sony is turning away from TV program production
and toward films. Recently, it bid to acquire MGM. This would
create a behemoth with 7,500 movie titles, 40 percent of all
major English-language movies ever made. Does network ownership
of shows stifle creativity? In a recent poll of television critics
by Television Week, 18 said yes, seven maybe, and only five
no.
There
are other specific advantages to greater vertical integration
for the media corporations. It permits extensive cross-production,
for example, joining film releases with CDs, music videos, toys,
games, books and other merchandising.
It permits cross-promotion, that is advertising through other
media controlled by the company, even advertising TV programs
to movie-goers who have paid for their ticket. Greater vertical
integration also leads to being able to offer multi-media packages
to advertisers that undercut the competition.
Cheapening
the Product
It
also leads to a strategy of emphasizing blockbuster hits in
the global marketplace that can cover losses on other projects.
Because they play easier across language differences, such productions
typically feature sex, violence and special effects at the expense
of plot, dialogue and character development.
Since 1990, Time Warner and Disney have more than doubled their
share of revenue from overseas sales, from 15 percent to 35
percent. Both firms expect to do a majority of their business
abroad sometime this decade.
In
music this means that companies do not want, say, ten CDs that
may gross $12 million each, but one monster album that will
gross ten times as much. They have spent tons on older stars,
through "megadeals" that have yielded many duds; money
not spent on several artists just as good, but still unknown.
Artists who buy into this end up dedicating all their energies
to videos, touring and label promotion at the expense of writing
new music.
There
are many other consequences of increasing media concentration
that impact negatively on the public interest. New mergers and
acquisitions are premised on meeting enhanced profit projections
by raising revenue and cutting costs. This means more commercial
sales adding up to more program clutter for viewers, that is
more ads and promos. Clutter now accounts for about nine minutes
in the average half hour TV show, a three-fold increase since
the 1950s.
Investigative
Journalism Sacrificed
It
also means more staff layoffs. One consequence is that print
and broadcast newsrooms lack the staff to do investigative reporting
and cover breaking stories. In the past 20 years in radio, the
number of full-time station news staff has fallen almost 40
percent, from 19,600 to 12,000. PR-generated material now accounts
for between 40 and 70 percent of what is called news.
A
2002 survey of 103 television news directors by the Columbia
Graduate School of Journalism found almost half citing "not
enough staff" as the "most serious obstacle to producing
quality news." No other reason attracted more than
11 percent. Seventy five percent said they try to do investigative
reporting, but only 25 percent have full-time investigative
units.
According
to Walter Cronkite, television's corporate chieftains expect
news departments to generate the same sort of profits that entertainment
programs do. He calls that an impossible task and observes:
"Instead of offering tough documentaries and background
on the issues that so deeply affect all of us, they're turning
those programs into television copies of Photoplay magazine.
News executives are helpless when top management demands an
increase in ratings to protect profits."
A
Pew Research Center survey of 287 journalists found up to 41
percent acknowledging reshaping and softening their stories
due to perceived pressures from corporate owners or the market.
Tom Brokaw states: "What people truly want is the serious
news of war, race, immigration, business, health, education
and environment, but, in too many newsrooms, those stories are
regarded as too boring…too risky."
Political
Election Campaigns Ignored
Even
coverage of elections has practically disappeared. During the
2000 presidential campaign, news programs devoted an average
of 45 seconds per show to the race. A 2002 study of the top
fifty markets found that under half contained any local election
coverage. Of these, only 20 percent contained any sound bites
from the candidates. Ninety-two percent of the coverage focused
on campaign strategy and only three percent on policy. Another
2002 study again found more than half (56 percent) of 122 stations
ignoring the campaigns altogether. Campaign stories, on average,
were 89 seconds long. Only 27 percent focused on issues or analysis
of campaign ads. In 2004, the major networks devoted only one
hour each night to live major party presidential convention
coverage.
As
a consequence, candidates must rely on political advertising
to communicate with the voters. In the 2004 presidential election,
station political ad revenue has been up 60 percent over 2000
with a projected gross of $1.6 billion. As the game is played,
the media corporations contribute millions to the campaigns
of the big party candidates who, in turn, use the money to buy
ad time on the media.
Worse,
research has found that the candidates are charged premium rates,
rather than the discounted rates required by law. Finally, the
negative tone of these paid attack ads ultimately serves to
depress voter turnout in a nation that already has the lowest
level of voter participation in the modern world.
Local
Programming and Cultural Diversity Lost
Another
significant casualty of media consolidation has been the loss
of local programming. Media scholar Susan Douglas notes that
satellite transmission and national syndication has led to more
radio carriage of shows like Howard Stern and Rush Limbaugh.
She predicts: "If this trend in radio continues,"
that "discussion of local issues will be driven out completely."
Cheryl
Lianza of the Media Access Project warns: "Citizens must
have some recourse to coverage of local issues from different
vantage points" because, in her view, the real questions
are "who sits on the school board and who is elected mayor.
It's about whether the garbage gets picked up, whether we can
rely on our local hospitals and whether our local employees
are secure."
Here
is what we have come to: Sinclair Broadcasting Group, based
in Maryland, distributes to all its 62 affiliates a program
called "News Central." A one hour mix of local and
national news, News Central leads with a segment produced locally
and then follows with national and international news, sports
and weather pieced together from other Sinclair affiliates or
CNN and anchored in Maryland. News staff at the affiliates have
been trimmed by about a third. Half of Sinclair affiliates currently
have no news staff at all. Unfortunately, this is the norm for
the industry. About half of the Fox affiliates and only a handful
of Warner Brothers (WB) and UPN affiliates produce local news.
In fact, several top 10 market WB and UPN stations don't air
any local news.
Another
casualty has been the loss of cultural diversity. Increasing
media consolidation has resulted in a 26 percent drop in the
already small number of black-owned stations. People of color
are now less than four percent of radio and TV owners. Jesse
Jackson's Rainbow-Push Coalition, has made this a major focus
of its political work in Washington. In fact, the Minority Media
and Telecommunications Council appealed to the FCC for help.
Unfortunately, it didn't get any.
Even
media companies that program for Hispanics may not be run by
Hispanics. The CEO's of Univision and HBC are both non-Hispanic
Republicans and both organizations are largely controlled by
non-Hispanics. As the journalist Allison Gregor says: "The
words may be in Spanish, but authentic Hispanic voices may eventually
be drowned out altogether by those of non-Hispanic owners."
So
who is the beneficiary of all this media merger mania? If you
say the shareholders, guess again. According to a report by
the consulting firm KPMG, as reported by the London-based Reuters
news service in 1999, 83 percent of mergers failed to produce
any benefits for the shareholders and, even more alarming, over
half actually destroyed value. In the communications industry,
think of AOL/Time Warner, Comcast (AT&T) and Vivendi Universal.
If
you want to know who the winners, are check out the multi-million
dollar salaries of network executives and stars.
FCC
Way Too Cozy with Industry
One
cannot fault these companies for following the logic of a profit
driven system. But the airwaves are owned by the public and
only held in trust by the media companies. Where is the government
agency to represent the public interest in localism, diversity,
and democratic discussion?
Like
all regulatory agencies, the FCC has significantly more contact
with lobbyists and officials representing corporate America
than it does with public interest groups and ordinary citizens.
Moreover, FCC commissioners and bureau leaders typically count
on such professional contacts in negotiating their post-FCC
careers.
Between
1995 and 2003, FCC officials were showered with nearly $2.8
million in travel and entertainment, most of it from the telecommunications
and broadcast industries the agency is supposed to regulate.
All told, agency officials took more than 2,500 industry-sponsored
trips over that period.
FCC
Chairman Michael Powell says that the "market is his religion"
and that he has no idea of what is meant by the public interest.
However, the Chairman's passion for the market does not mean
removing all rules and regulations. Republicans at the FCC want
to regulate corporate conflicts of interest, picking winners
and losers. They just do not want to have to acknowledge, let
alone represent, the public interest in such conflicts.
In
February 2003 Chairman Powell made it clear there would be plenty
of rules when he is finished: "I don't know what anybody
is talking about when they say this is deregulation. We are
talking about a paradigm of competition, but in a very regulatory
way. This is not an Adam Smith market. This is industrial management."
There
are two prominent areas where this is most apparent. First,
the FCC has dropped its frequently repeated concerns for the
first amendment rights of broadcasters to impose significantly
larger fines for indecency. Even an obscene word spoken by a
guest on a live show can put a station out of business.
Self-censorship similar to that of the 1950s is now being practiced,
even on PBS. Second, the Chair has legislated a transition to
digital television by 2007, despite the lack of interest of
networks, stations and consumers and resistance of equipment
manufacturers.
Movements
for Media Democracy
At
present the movement for media democracy operates on three broad
fronts. There are organizations that work on media policy issues
through the Congress, the FCC and the courts, like the Media
Access Project, Institute for Public Representation of the Georgetown
University Law Center, Center for Digital Democracy and Consumer
Federation of America. They are invaluable to the struggle.
There
are those who produce and distribute media that offer alternative
perspectives to that of the corporate controlled media. This
includes independent or "indy" media centers that
make videos about controversial issues, like global capitalism's
impact on the third world, and bear witness to the work of progressive
movements. This also includes independent film and video makers
who keep alive the documentary form. Their organization is called
the Association of Independent Video and Film Makers.
Others
produce public affairs programs for distribution to public and
public access stations. Joined with them are alternative distribution
services, like public access stations, grassroots community
radio and direct broadcast satellite channels. Leaders here
include the Alliance for Community Media, Grassroots Radio Conference,
National Federation of Community Broadcasters, Free Speech Channel
of The Dish Satellite Network, and Link TV, available on both
The Dish and DirecTV.
And
there are those who organize themselves to support and reform
public broadcasting in their own communities, including chapters
of Citizens for Independent Public Broadcasting.
Recent
Victories for the Public Interest
The
Free Press tracks progress of these many efforts on its web
site www.freepress.net. Because of the attention brought to
bear on Clear Channel and the terrible consequences of radio
consolidation, new limits on radio station ownership have been
imposed. Clear Channel actually will have to divest itself of
a few of its stations. Corporate sponsored junkets for FCC commissioners
have been stopped.
Low
power FM broadcasting, that is small, nonprofit radio broadcasting
stations with a reach of just a few miles, recently received
a huge boost. Based on new research, the FCC recommended to
Congress that it eliminate restrictions that deprive communities
of their own locally oriented radio stations. If Congress writes
this into law, it will clear the way for hundreds, if not thousands,
of communities to begin to broadcast.
I
close with the words of distinguished journalist Edward R. Murrow,
spoken in 1958 and still valid almost 50 years later: "There
is no suggestion here that networks or individual stations should
operate as philanthropies. But I can find nothing in the Bill
of Rights or the Communications Act that says that they must
increase their net profits each year, lest the Republic collapse…This
instrument can teach, it can illuminate; yes, it can even inspire.
But it can do so only to the extent that humans are determined
to use it to those ends. Otherwise it is merely wires and lights
in a box…"
These
are our media. We need to take them back and we can.
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